Analysis of the Level of Political Participation of the Kenduri Cinta Community in Jakarta

ABSTRACT


INTRODUCTION
Political participation has become one of the objects that are widely researched, using both qualitative and quantitative method.Some research on political participation is linked to gender, education level, economic level, and social media.According to Adam (2018) paper which explains factors affecting women's participation in local councils in Puntland, Somalia.Adam mentioned that Puntland women tend to be marginalized and underrepresented in politics and decision-making.Cultural factors are the biggest barrier for Puntland women to participate directly at council level (Pratama 2020).Even 90% of respondents expressed objection to nominating women as representatives of clans for the council.Saeed, et al (2019) examined women's political participation in Dir Upper District, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.They found that voting by female voters in the Pakhtun population of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, particularly in Upper Dir District is considered as a sin, controvert to local tradition, and provoke legal consequences.Patriarchal culture, misogynistic behavior, gender norms, stigma and shame, fear of victimization, and lack of support and facilities from governments and political parties have signiZicant associations with women's participation (Almond et al., 2015;Finlay et al.,2019).
In the other hand, McCollum (2021) studied the level of political participation by interviewing 63 adolescents in elementary and secondary schools in Vancouver, Canada, as well as in high socioeconomic areas.The result shows that in a social context, participation is more likely to be found in International Journal of Social Service and Research https://ijssr.ridwaninstitute.co.id/IJSSR Page 3072 higher educated youth.However, higher education had no effect on the level of political participation (Dinesen et al. 2022;Yani et al., 2022).Meanwhile, Juliani, et al (2021) examined the development of social class constituencies to participate in political activities in Banda Aceh and Meulaboh.They found that the increased levels of political participation in both cities were partly affected by politics of identity used by beginners in their campaigns.Social class also had an impact on high political commitment in 2019.Variations in political participation among these social classes include religious factors, education and economic level, culture, and trust and recognition of the government (Valencia Caicedo et al., 2023;Siriban,2023).
Political participation has also been studied in relation to youth generation.Kitanova (2020) explains the factors affecting youth political participation in the European Union (EU) using data survey in 28 countries of EU.The Zindings suggest that socio-demographic factors are crucial to youth's political participation, while the level of political participation itself depends on the context.The results of regression analysis show that democratic maturity inZluences the patterns of political participation among youth in the EU.The results also showed a variation in youth political participation; in countries that are economically more stable, youth are more likely to participate (Weinschenk et al., 2021;Saud et al. 2023).
Badaru and Adu (2021) also studied the phenomenon of low political participation of young generation in post-apartheid South Africa.The study took 372 samples of university students through a random-sampling technique.The results showed a high level of political awareness (99.4%) and a high level of knowledge of the importance of parliament and the national constitution (99.1%).However, respondents' political participation was below average (49.2%).They found that political participation in the form of voting was relatively low, despite respondents' high political awareness.
Another factor that was also studied in relation to political participation was social media.Alarqan (2020) examined the relationship between social media, political efZicacy, and political participation of Al-Bayt University students in Jordan.Alarqan used quantitative methods by distributing questionnaires to 495 students.The results showed a positive correlation between social media, political efZicacy, and political participation.The model obtained is that social media has positive implications toward political efZicacy and political participation, while political participation has positive implications toward political efZicacy (Xiu et al., 2022;Anaman et al. 2023;Saud et al., 2023).
Yang, et al ( 2020) conducted a survey of 3,810 college students in the US after the 2016 election.They found that the use of Facebook has a slightly negative effect on US college students' political participation, both online and ofZline.Facebook turned out to be positively correlated as a political tool, not for the purpose of political participation.Facebook used by political participants/candidates is far more important and positive than Facebook used for participating in politics .
On the other hand, Lee (2021) also examined the relationship between the use of podcasts and the political participation of their users.The study was conducted using an online survey to 734 news podcast users in South Korea.Lee found that there was no signiZicant inZluence between podcast users and non-users with their political participation.However, the news or issues broadcast online was a positive predictor of participation, both online and ofZline.Lee concluded that political discussion has a signiZicant role in mobilizing political participation.
Other than various variables and research subjects above, political participation is particularly an interesting object to be studied on a religious community.This study focused on political participation of Kenduri Cinta community, as an urban SuZism community in Jakarta city.Variables used in this research are political concern; political motivation; political situation and environment; political education; and political orientation.There is an interesting aspect of the Kenduri Cinta community which is their nationalism as the implementation of SuZistic values taught (Akmaliyah, 2017;Novendra, (Akmaliyah, 2017;Novendra 2018).Kenduri Cinta has become a place for people in Jakarta to Zill their spiritual emptiness and convey their aspirations as Indonesia citizens.

IJSSR Page 3073
Neo-SuZism or contemporary SuZism has developed along with renewal in Islamic world (Muvid 2020).That includes spiritual revolution; the key to achieve true happiness; the answer to the problems of modern society; the spiritual medicine of millennial society; and become a tool for living more active and optimistic (HanaZi 2019; Ulum 2020).Neo-SuZism also has their characteristic, such as the unity of the external (physical) and mental (spiritual) elements; concern of dunya; integration with society; and nationalism.This characteristic can be found in the Kenduri Cinta community.
Kenduri Cinta community is aware of the situasion of their country, so they express their concern by having political discussion at their monthly forum.Their concern includes the prosperity and law inforcement for they believe in justice has to be enforced by the government in order to protect their people.They also somehow discuss about the impact of government policies toward people and the democratic system in Indonesia.Therefore, Kenduri Cinta is not merely a religious community, but also a social community that concern and participate in discussing the future of their country.This urban SuZism community has become a forum for people in metropolitan city of Jakarta to raise their voice regarding political matter.
Kenduri Cinta which philosophically refers to the SuZism view of Cak Nun, has become an oasis in the midst of the hustle and bustle of life in the city of Jakarta.Kenduri Cinta community member attend the monthly forum at Taman Ismail Marzuki to recharge their spiritual energy after working for pursuing their needs of dunya.Through contemplation and discussion facilitated by the speakers, the Kenduri Cinta forum creates a space for them to get an enlightenment and new perspectives.Kenduri Cinta also facilitates political discussions as a form of nationalism which also an implementation of their SuZism philosophy.

METHODS
This scientiZic research conducted a survey method by distributing questionnaires using purposive sampling, which is a technique with certain considerations (Sugiono 2018).Respondents selected are over 17 year-old because they get the right to vote, as one of the most basic forms of political participation.There are demographic data section and 77 statements in the questionnaire that have been tested for the validity and reliability.The statement lists consist 9 statements of political concern; 11 statements of political motivation; 7 statements of political situation and environment; 7 statements of political motivation; 25 statements of political orientation; and 18 statements of political participation.Respondents were provided with four options for each statement to avoid neutral answers, so it shows the tendency of each variable.
The questionnaires were distributed at the June 15, 2023 edition of the Kenduri Cinta forum at Taman Ismail Marzuki, Cikini, Menteng, Central Jakarta.From 615 questionnaires distributed to respondents, 503 questionnaires were Ziltered to meet the criteria for data input according to the coding value: 1 for Disagree; 2 for Slightly Disagree; 3 for Agree; and 4 for Strongly Agree.The coded data then analysed using SPSS application version 25.Researchers use the Principal Component Analysis to determine the inZluence of independent variables on dependent variables, both partially and globally.Based on sex, the sample of Kenduri Cinta community is dominated by 427 male respondents (84.89%), while the remaining 15.11% (76 people) are female respondents.One of the factors that give impact to the number of the female member is the time of the dialogue that held at night until early morning.This can be an obstacle for the female member to attend the forum due to safety and comfort.Source: Data Survey by the Author Respondents were dominated by 359 Javanese (71.37%).There are also other ethnicity group, such as Sundanese (56/11.13%)and Betawi (52/10.34%).While the remaining 36 people (7.16%) came from other ethnic group, including Madura, Batak, and Minang.The majority of Javanese ethnic group is a reZlection of the majority of ethnicity in Indonesia.In addition, it is also due to urbanization factors, where residents of villages and small towns on the island of Java migrate to city of Jakarta to pursue higher education and/or Zind work.Then followed by the trade sector and other sector that with equal percentage at 18.49% (93 people).This classiZication of work is considered less effective to describe the job characteristic of the respondents.Respondents tend to be hesitant to choose the right sector for their line of work, so there are some respondents who wrote their jobs in the "Other" option.The majority of respondents, 57.06% (287 respondents) earn an average monthly income below minimum wage of Jakarta.While the rest of 42.94% (216 people) earn an average monthly income above minimum wage of Jakarta.In 2023, minimum wage of Jakarta is Rp 4,901,798,-.This means most people who live in Jakarta, can't meet thier needs properly.

Regression Analysis Results
Table 1  The regression coefZicient in column B shows that three of the signiZicant independent variables are positive, Z_KP (Political Concern), Z_PDP (Political Education), and Z_OP (Political Orientation).This means that the higher their political concern, political motivation, and political orientation, the higher their political participation.However, the regression coefZicient of Z_MP (Political Motivation) is negative.It means that the higher their political motivation, the lower their political participation.From the model above, the regression equation can be formed as follows:

CONCLUSION
This research shows that the Kenduri Cinta community, demographically are dominated by Generation Z, men, Javanese, highly educated, and have a monthly income below Jakarta's minimum wage.Regression analysis shows that all of independent variable have signiZicant impact on the political participation of the Kenduri Cinta community, which explain the variation by 46.8%.In the partial test, there are four out of Zive independent variables which are signiZicant (political concern, political motivation, political education, and political orientation).Even though the political motivation variable is signiZicant, the regression coefZicient is negative, which indicates that the higher their political motivation, the lower their political participation.This conclusion provides a comprehensive picture of the demographic characteristic of the Kenduri Cinta community and the factors which affect their political participation level.

Figure 1 .
Figure 1.Year of birth Source: Data Survey by the Author In the analysis of respondents' year of birth, it shows that the majority of the sample (321/63.82%)were the generation born between 1995 to 2010 or commonly called Generation Z (Internet Generation).While 30.42% (153 people) are respondents born between 1981 to 1994 or called Generation Y (Millennial Generation).The remaining 5.37% (27 people) are generation X (born 1965 to 1980) and 0.4% (2 people) are Baby Boomers (born 1946 to 1964).The classiZication of generations is based on the Theory of Generation by Graeme Codrington and Sue Grant-Marshall (2004).

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. SexSource: Data Survey by the Author Based on sex, the sample of Kenduri Cinta community is dominated by 427 male respondents (84.89%), while the remaining 15.11% (76 people) are female respondents.One of the factors that give impact to the number of the female member is the time of the dialogue that held at night until early morning.This can be an obstacle for the female member to attend the forum due to safety and comfort.

Figure 4 .
Figure 4. Job Sector Source: Data Survey by the Author The respondents' job sector is dominated by 101 respondents work in service sector (20.08%).Then followed by the trade sector and other sector that with equal percentage at 18.49% (93 people).This classiZication of work is considered less effective to describe the job characteristic of the respondents.Respondents tend to be hesitant to choose the right sector for their line of work, so there are some respondents who wrote their jobs in the "Other" option.

Figure 5 .
Figure 5. Education Level Source: Data Survey by the Author Based on the education level, 19 respondents (3.78%) have basic education level (elementary and junior high school/equivalent).While 44.73% (225 people) have middle education level (senior high school/equivalent).Majority of respondents, which is 51.49% (259 people) have higher education level (D-I/D-II/D-III/D-IV, S1, and S2).Respondents with higher level of education are dominated by Generation Y and Generation Z.Both generations tend to be highly educated.One possible reason is educational reform which regulated in the following constitution, UU No. 20 Tahun 2003 tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional and PP Nomor 47 Tahun 2008 tentang Wajib Belajar.
Data Survey by the Author In the model above, the value of R 2 = 46.8%(0.468) which means that all independent variables (political concern, political motivation, political situation and environment, political education, and political orientation) simultaneously able to explain the variation of political participation by 46.8%.Meanwhile, another 53.2% can be explained by other variables outside the model.